ما خيارات مصر مع تعثر مفاوضات «السد الإثيوبي»؟

اتهامات متبادلة بين القاهرة وأديس أبابا

الوفد المصري خلال الجولة الثانية من مفاوضات «سد النهضة» في أديس أبابا (مجلس الوزراء المصري)
الوفد المصري خلال الجولة الثانية من مفاوضات «سد النهضة» في أديس أبابا (مجلس الوزراء المصري)
TT

ما خيارات مصر مع تعثر مفاوضات «السد الإثيوبي»؟

الوفد المصري خلال الجولة الثانية من مفاوضات «سد النهضة» في أديس أبابا (مجلس الوزراء المصري)
الوفد المصري خلال الجولة الثانية من مفاوضات «سد النهضة» في أديس أبابا (مجلس الوزراء المصري)

أثيرت تساؤلات خلال الساعات الأخيرة عن خيارات مصر المرتقبة مع تعثر مفاوضات «سد النهضة» الإثيوبي، وذلك عقب إخفاق الجولة الثانية من المباحثات التي جرت في أديس أبابا في «إحراز أي تقدم». في حين قلل خبراء مصريون من «جدوى استمرار المسار التفاوضي بين مصر والسودان وإثيوبيا»، وطالبوا بـ«تدخل أطراف دولية على خط المحادثات، خصوصاً مع إعلان الجانب الإثيوبي مواصلة المفاوضات الثلاثية في أكتوبر (تشرين الأول) المقبل في القاهرة».

وردّت إثيوبيا على اتهام مصر لها بأنها «وراء عدم تحقيق أي تقدم في المفاوضات»، وقالت وزارة الخارجية الإثيوبية، الاثنين، في بيان عبر صفحتها على «فيسبوك»، إن «الجانب المصري هو السبب في عدم إحراز تقدم في المفاوضات بشأن (سد النهضة) التي اختتمت في أديس أبابا (الأحد)».

وأشار بيان «الخارجية الإثيوبية» إلى أن مصر «تتبني موقفاً يقوض إعلان المبادئ الموقَّع في عام 2015»، على حد وصف البيان. وأضاف أن «هدف المفاوضات الثلاثية الحالية وضع اللمسات الأخيرة على قواعد الملء الأول والتشغيل السنوي لـ(سد النهضة)».

وكانت مصر قد أعلنت (مساء الأحد) انتهاء جولة التفاوض الجديدة بين مصر والسودان وإثيوبيا بشأن «سد النهضة» «من دون تقدم يذكر»، على حد قول المتحدث باسم وزارة الري المصرية، محمد غانم. وأضاف متحدث «الري المصرية» في بيان أن أديس أبابا مستمرة في «رفض الأخذ بأي من الحلول الوسط المطروحة، وكذا الترتيبات الفنية المتفق عليها دولياً التي من شأنها تلبية المصالح الإثيوبية اتصالاً بـ(سد النهضة) دون الافتئات على حقوق ومصالح دولتي المصب». وأكد البيان مواصلة الوفد المصري «التفاوض بجدية، بناءً على محددات واضحة، تتمثل في الوصول لاتفاق (قانوني ملزم) على قواعد ملء وتشغيل (سد النهضة)، على النحو الذي يحفظ مصالح مصر الوطنية، ويحمي أمنها المائي واستخداماتها المائية، ويحقق في الوقت نفسه مصالح الدول الثلاث، بما في ذلك المصالح الإثيوبية المُعلنة».

وشدد البيان على أنه «بات من الضروري التحلي بالإرادة السياسية والجدية اللازمتين للتوصل بلا إبطاء إلى اتفاق، وذلك في الإطار الزمني المتفق عليه بين الدول الثلاث بناءً على لقاء قيادتي مصر وإثيوبيا» في يوليو (تموز) الماضي.

واتفقت مصر وإثيوبيا على جولة جديدة من المفاوضات تستمر 4 أشهر، وذلك بعد لقاء جمع الرئيس المصري عبد الفتاح السيسي ورئيس الوزراء الإثيوبي آبي أحمد على هامش قمة دول جوار السودان في القاهرة يوليو الماضي.

وزير الموارد المائية والري المصري الأسبق، محمد نصر الدين علام، قال لـ«الشرق الأوسط» إن «التعنت الإثيوبي مستمر على مدار 12 عاماً، وما زالت إثيوبيا تعرقل الجهود الكبيرة المبذولة للتوصل إلى اتفاق يرضي الجميع، وذلك رغم أن التوصل لهذا الاتفاق سوف يؤدي إلى تحقيق الاستقرار والتنمية للدول الثلاث، وللمنطقة كلها».

ويرى علام أن «الأمر وصل لمرحلة لا بد أن يكون فيها جديد، وألا يتجمد عند هذا الحد؛ لأنه سيؤدي لضرر وتعطل للمصالح الدولية والإقليمية»، مؤكداً أنه يجب تصحيح المسار التفاوضي إذا كانت النيات السياسية صادقة، لكون «نسب الفشل حالياً أكبر من نسب النجاح».

وحول الخيارات المطروحة مستقبلاً، توقع علام «تدخل القيادة الإثيوبية لتوجيه الوفد الإثيوبي ليكون أكثر (إيجابية)، وتصحيح مسار المفاوضات وجعلها مثمرة»، مضيفاً: «قد نرى تواصلاً بين القيادة السياسية للدولتين، وكذلك مع بعض قيادات قوى إقليمية ودولية»، لافتاً إلى الدور الأميركي في هذا الإطار للتوصل إلى حلول، لأن الحل سيكون في صالح الجميع وأولهم إثيوبيا».

وهنا يرى أستاذ الجيولوجيا والموارد المائية بجامعة القاهرة، عباس شراقي، أن ما ظهر خلال الجولتين الماضيتين من المفاوضات هو عدم وجود أطراف دولية وأجنبية خلالها، ولو بصفتهم مراقبين، لذا «أصبح الوصول إلى حل أمراً صعباً»، مضيفاً لـ«الشرق الأوسط» أن ادعاء الجانب الإثيوبي بتمسك مصر بمعاهدة قديمة هو «كلام غير مقبول وغير منطقي، لأن الاتفاقات لا تنتهي بالقدم».

واقترح شراقي «وجود أطراف دولية في الجولات المقبلة، مثل الاتحاد الأوروبي أو البنك الدولي أو أميركا وروسيا كأحد الخيارات»، مؤكداً «أهمية التمسك بهذا الخيار، مع توافق الدول الثلاث عليه؛ لأن هذه الأطراف يمكنها الاستماع واقتراح حلول وسط للجميع». وأضاف: «في حالة رفض إثيوبيا وجود الأطراف الدولية، فعلى مصر أن تعلن (فشل المفاوضات) بشكل نهائي، لأنه لن تكون لها جدوى، ويكون الخيار التالي هو العودة لمجلس الأمن مرة أخرى، ولا يكون التقدم المصري إليه مثل المرة الأولى حول قضية المياه وتخزينها؛ لكن يكون على هيئة كونه مشروعاً قد يكون مُعرضاً للانهيار، ما يهدد الأمن والسلم في مصر والسودان».


مقالات ذات صلة

مخططات إثيوبيا لسدود جديدة على النيل تزيد الارتباك مع مصر

شمال افريقيا سد النهضة (رويترز)

مخططات إثيوبيا لسدود جديدة على النيل تزيد الارتباك مع مصر

ردت القاهرة بشكل حاسم على تقارير إخبارية بشأن اعتزام إثيوبيا بناء سدود جديدة على نهر النيل، مؤكدة أنها «لن تسمح بذلك».

محمد محمود (القاهرة)
العالم العربي وزير الخارجية المصري خلال لقائه الرئيس الأوغندي في كامبالا (الخارجية المصرية)

مصر تشدد على رفض «الإجراءات الأحادية» في حوض النيل الشرقي

جددت مصر التأكيد على رفض «الإجراءات الأحادية» في حوض النيل الشرقي، وشددت على ضرورة التمسك بروح التوافق لـ«استعادة الشمولية» بمبادرة حوض النيل.

«الشرق الأوسط» (القاهرة)
شمال افريقيا وزير الري المصري خلال لقائه السفراء المنقولين لرئاسة البعثات الدبلوماسية المصرية بالخارج (وزارة الري المصرية)

مصر تجدد تمسكها بقواعد القانون الدولي في أزمة «سد النهضة»

تستمر مصر في تحركاتها الساعية لتعزيز موقفها بشأن أزمة «سد النهضة» الإثيوبي وحشد الدعم الدولي لرؤيتها بشأن التوصل إلى اتفاق قانوني ملزم ينظم عملية تشغيل السد.

«الشرق الأوسط» (القاهرة)
شمال افريقيا «سد النهضة» الإثيوبي (رويترز)

إشادة إسرائيلية بـ«سد النهضة» الإثيوبي وسط تصاعد التوتر مع مصر

دخلت إسرائيل بطريقة غير مباشرة على خط أزمة "سد النهضة" بين القاهرة وأديس أبابا، وأشادت بهذا البناء الضخم المطل على نهر النيل ودوره في مستقبل إثيوبيا.

محمد محمود (القاهرة)
العالم العربي «سد النهضة» يتسبب في انحسار مياه النيل بالسودان (رويترز)

انحسار مياه النيل في السودان يثير قلقاً مصرياً

أعاد الحديث عن انحسار النيل في عدة مناطق سودانية، من جراء تحكم «سد النهضة» الإثيوبي في التدفقات مخاوف مصرية من إمكانية حدوث تراجعات في كميات المياه الواردة

محمد محمود (القاهرة)

Gazze anlaşması: Hamas'ın silah bırakmasına yönelik açık maddeler çıkarıldı

Gazze'deki enkazın altından çıkarılan 112 Filistinlinin cenaze törenindeki Filistinliler (AFP)
Gazze'deki enkazın altından çıkarılan 112 Filistinlinin cenaze törenindeki Filistinliler (AFP)
TT

Gazze anlaşması: Hamas'ın silah bırakmasına yönelik açık maddeler çıkarıldı

Gazze'deki enkazın altından çıkarılan 112 Filistinlinin cenaze törenindeki Filistinliler (AFP)
Gazze'deki enkazın altından çıkarılan 112 Filistinlinin cenaze törenindeki Filistinliler (AFP)

ABD Başkanı Donald Trump'ın liderliğindeki Barış Kurulu, Gazze anlaşmasından Hamas'ın silah bulundurmayacağını açıkça belirten maddeleri çıkarmış.

New York Times'ın (NYT) haberine göre değişiklik, kurul temsilcilerinin Hamas liderleriyle aylar süren görüşmeler sonrasında anlaşma metninde yaptığı revizyonların ardından gerçekleşti.

Adlarının paylaşılmaması kaydıyla konuşan kaynaklar, anlaşmanın son halinde Hamas'ın ağır silahlarını "kullanımdan kaldırıp depolamasının" öngörüldüğünü söylüyor.

Sürecin ABD destekli Filistinli teknokratlardan oluşan geçici yönetim tarafından yürütülmesi planlanıyor. Ancak silahların ne zaman teslim edileceğine ve İsrail ordusunun Gazze'den çekilmesine ilişkin takvim henüz belirlenmedi.

Barış Kurulu'nun baskısı üzerine İsrail Başbakanı Binyamin Netanyahu'nun Gazze'ye saldırıları askıya alma talimatı verdiği de yazılıyor.  

NYT'nin 10 Ağustos'ta yayımlanan haberinde, Netanyahu'nun 3 Ağustos'ta aralarında Gazze Barış Kurulu Yüksek Temsilcisi Nickolay Mladenov'un da yer aldığı yetkililerle görüştüğü aktarılıyor.

Gazze'deki Sivil Savunma Müdürlüğü Sözcüsü Mahmud Basal, Gazze Şeridi'ne son büyük çaplı saldırının 3 Ağustos akşamı düzenlendiğini belirtiyor.

Öte yandan Birleşmiş Milletler'e göre İsrail ordusu, 4 Ağustos'ta Gazze'de çadır kentte kurulan bir okula saldırı düzenleyerek bir Filistinli öğrenciyi yaraladı.

Ayrıca Gazze Sağlık Bakanlığı, 8 Ağustos'ta düzenlenen İsrail saldırılarında en az bir kişinin öldüğünü, aralarında çocukların da yer aldığı 5 kişinin yaralandığını aktarmıştı.  

Netanyahu, 9 Ağustos'taki açıklamasında Trump'ın 15 maddelik anlaşmasını kabul etmediklerini duyurmuştu. Hamas tamamen silahsızlandırılmadan İsrail ordusunun Gazze'den çekilmeyeceğini bildirmişti.

İsrail lideri, "Hamas'ın silahsızlandırılmasından bahsederken ağır silahları, hafif silahları, tüm silahları kastediyorum. Gerçek bir silahsızlanma gerekiyor" demişti.

Trump ise dünkü basın açıklamasında İsrail liderinin planı reddetmesine ilişkin soruya Netanyahu'yla "iyi ilişkilerinin" olduğunu söyleyerek yanıt vermişti.

NYT'nin analizine göre ekimde düzenlenecek seçimler öncesinde Netanyahu, Hamas'a karşı tam zafer sözü verdiği tabanını ve radikal sağcı koalisyonunu kaybetmemeye çalışırken, Trump'ı öfkelendirmek de istemiyor.

Radikal sağcı İsrail Ulusal Güvenlik Bakanı Itamar Ben-Gvir, Trump'ın geçen ay açıkladığı anlaşmayı "kabul edilemez" diye nitelemiş, Gazze Şeridi'ne saldırıların sürdürülmesini istemişti.

BBC'nin analizindeyse, Netanyahu hükümetinin tavrının Gazze meselesine nokta konmasını sağlamayacağı vurgulanıyor. ABD'nin eski Ortadoğu müzakerecilerinden Aaron David Miller, Washington'ın Tel Aviv'in tavrına "şimdilik ses çıkarmadığını" belirtirken, İsrail'de yeni bir hükümet kurulmadan bu konuyla ilgili ciddi bir adım atılmasının zor olduğunu söylüyor.

Independent Türkçe, New York Times, BBC, Haaretz


US ‘Veto’ Stalls Talks to Complete Zaidi Govt in Iraq

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
TT

US ‘Veto’ Stalls Talks to Complete Zaidi Govt in Iraq

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)

A US “veto” has stalled talks to fill vacant posts in Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government, political sources said, as Washington prioritizes a plan to bring armed factions’ weapons under state control despite Iranian objections.

Al-Zaidi told a meeting of the ruling Coordination Framework on Monday that he was close to completing his cabinet, which he announced in mid-May with 14 ministerial portfolios filled and nine posts vacant.

The vacancies include key ministries such as defense, interior, higher education and planning.

Iraq’s federal parliament has often approved incomplete governments in previous terms because of disputes among political parties and blocs over quotas and ministerial posts, with compromises reached later to fill the remaining portfolios.

But the formation of al-Zaidi’s government appears more complicated, and the remaining posts could stay vacant for months, according to a senior Framework official.

US ‘red lines’

The official told Asharq Al-Awsat that disputes over posts could delay completion of the government for a short period, but recent US intervention, particularly under al-Zaidi’s government, could hold it up for months.

The official said discussions within the Framework pointed to “a veto and red lines” imposed by the United States and US presidential envoy Tom Barrack on virtually all candidates nominated by the Framework.

“Some clearly believe Washington does not want the government completed at the moment,” the official said.

Several sources have previously said Washington categorically rejected representatives of armed factions taking ministerial posts and had raised the issue explicitly with al-Zaidi during his latest visit to Washington in July.

Framework uncertainty

Amid reports that Washington has rejected Laith al-Khazali for the post of deputy prime minister, the senior official said there was confusion within the Coordination Framework over the US position, saying Washington had placed red lines on most of its parties and factions.

“Take the State of Law coalition, for example. It has no factions or armed wings, but it too is under the weight of US anger and is not allowed to take ministerial posts,” the official said. “The same happened with its leader Nouri al-Maliki, whom the US president publicly rejected when he was nominated for prime minister.”

Maliki is the head of the State of Law coalition and Trump had vehemently opposed his nomination.

The official said the US priority appeared to be bringing weapons under state control and countering Tehran’s influence in Iraq, rather than completing the cabinet.

“Washington may prefer the defense and interior ministries to remain directly under Prime Minister al-Zaidi,” the official said.

Amid unconfirmed media reports that the head of Iran’s Quds Force is in Baghdad to counter moves to dissolve the armed factions, political sources said al-Zaidi’s announcement that the remaining cabinet posts would be filled was “a cover for the failure to reach an agreement with the Iranians over bringing weapons under state control, and for concerns about the fate of the government itself.”

After September

Kifah Mahmoud, political adviser to Kurdistan Democratic Party leader Masoud Barzani, said negotiations to fill the remaining government posts could take place in September at the earliest.

September 30 is the deadline set by the Baghdad government to resolve the issue of disarming the factions, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He added that Iraq’s federal constitution does not accept the presence of any armed faction outside the authority of the state and government.

Mahmoud agreed with the view that there was US resistance to completing the government, saying Washington had repeatedly opposed senior government posts going to figures close to armed factions.

“The two main parties in Kurdistan, the Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union, support al-Zaidi and his efforts to complete his cabinet,” he said.

“But the issue is tied to disputes among the leading forces within the Coordination Framework, as well as among Sunni parties.”

Still, Mahmoud said “serious US reservations over who holds government posts, and the red lines Washington has imposed, could obstruct al-Zaidi’s efforts to fill the remaining vacancies.”


Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Overhaul Houthi Security Measures

A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
TT

Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Overhaul Houthi Security Measures

A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)

The Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen have dispersed senior leaders and shifted the running of institutions in areas under their control to new locations under tight security in wake of their latest military escalation, Yemeni security sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The measures include turning major hotels in Sanaa, Hodeidah, Saada and other cities into temporary bases for security and intelligence agencies and civilian institutions, as the group seeks to shield its leadership from possible strikes.

The sources revealed that officers from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards were overseeing the escalation, while Ali Mohammad Rezaei, the so-called Iranian ambassador to the Houthis, was personally supervising an operations room directing military and security affairs in Houthi-held areas.

Security and intelligence officials, ministers and heads of state bodies in the Houthis’ internationally unrecognized government have been ordered to move into hotels and continue working from there, the sources said. They said the aim was to place senior figures among civilians and hotel guests, making them harder to target.

The Revolutionary Guards have also set up a dedicated operations room to track developments on the ground and coordinate the media campaign accompanying the escalation, according to the sources.

That campaign includes promoting claims of a blockade and demands for the payment of government employees’ salaries, in what the sources described as an attempt to cast the escalation as driven by domestic grievances.

Its main purpose, however, was to support Tehran in its confrontation with the United States, the sources said.

Iranian officers expect the Coalition to Support Legitimacy in Yemen to respond by targeting Houthi military, security and government leaders, as it did during earlier rounds of conflict, they added. That expectation has prompted the group to tighten precautions around its senior figures.

Hotels turned into hideouts

A number of Houthi leaders have been moved into hotels in major cities under the group’s control, with trusted intelligence operatives appointed as links between them and the institutions they oversee, the sources said.

Those operatives relay orders and requests to lower-ranking officials in government institutions and facilities, while supplying senior leaders with information and other needs at their new locations.

Second-tier officials have meanwhile been left to handle day-to-day operations.

The changes have coincided with the disappearance from public view of several top Houthi figures, who have moved to more secure locations, the sources said.

The group has also tightened security at hotels, linking some to networks operated by intelligence and police agencies under its control to monitor guests, verify identities and prevent infiltration.

Saada sealed off

Several of the Houthis’ most senior leaders have moved to Saada, the group’s main stronghold in northern Yemen, the sources said.

They described the province as effectively sealed off, with entry and exit subject to tight checks.

The province contains fortified Houthi sites beneath mountains that are used as shelters, military command centers and weapons storage facilities, the sources said. Similar sites have also been developed elsewhere.

Houthi officials and supervisors running government institutions under the group’s control have been instructed by Revolutionary Guards personnel to move into hotels in major cities.

Military commanders, by contrast, have been told to remain in trenches and fortified positions prepared across several areas.

The Houthis have also built a network of tunnels and hardened sites for shelter and command operations, particularly in Ibb, Hajjah and Hodeidah provinces, according to the sources.

The precautions draw on the group’s experience during its attacks on shipping in the southern Red Sea from late 2023 through the first quarter of 2025.

During that period, military and security leaders moved into secret locations and residences away from visible centers of activity, helping several senior figures avoid being hit during US and Israeli strikes, the sources said.

Those precautions, however, did not prevent a secret meeting of the Houthi government from being struck, killing the head of government and nine ministers, according to the sources.

The group’s chief of staff was also targeted despite efforts by senior leaders to conceal their whereabouts.

Launch sites dispersed

At the same time, Iranian officers have overseen the establishment of additional positions near front lines and selected multiple sites for launching missiles and drones, the sources said.

The move is designed to prevent the Houthis from relying on a single launch point and to make the sites harder to detect and destroy.

Launch positions have been spread across Ibb, Taiz and Al-Bayda provinces, a pattern that was evident during the heavy missile attack on Mokha port, according to the sources.

The Houthis fired around 20 missiles from areas in Ibb province, some of which fell on the province’s outskirts, they said.

The group also used areas under its control in rural Taiz to fire further volleys of missiles and drones.